FAQ

The monarchy has been central to the Thai identity for over 700 years. The bond between the Thai people and this principal institution is deeply rooted in the history of Thai nationhood itself. Nevertheless, it is also the person of the King himself and what he has done which has earned him and the monarchy the love and respect of Thais. His Majesty the King has been an inspiration for the Thai people, always having their welfare at the uppermost of his mind. For over sixty years, he has been working hard for the well-being of his subjects in keeping with his Accession Oath to “reign with righteousness for the benefit and happiness of the Siamese people.” Since early in his reign, His Majesty the King travelled to all corners of Thailand, reaching the remotest, most dangerous parts, talking to the poor and vulnerable, to understand their ways and problems and find ways to help them. In this regard, he has initiated more than 4,000 Royal Development Projects, in such areas as irrigation, farming, drought and flood alleviation, crop substitution, public health, distance learning, employment promotion and traffic alleviation. These have touched the lives of many Thais – particularly farmers. He has also invented various tools and techniques which have been used for rural development – such as rain-making, soil erosion prevention and water purification. The sufficiency economy philosophy he has conceptualised – which emphasizes moderation, responsible consumption and resilience to external shocks – also provides guidance for individuals and business alike on sustainable living and undertakings as well as developing immunity against economic shocks.

The King is above partisan politics. That the King granted audiences to or signed Royal Commands appointing military leaders to administer state affairs after they had taken control is consistent with his apolitical role and did not amount to giving his “blessing” to such action. In 2006, the King learned of the coup on 19 September only after the armed forces had taken control. The royal audience was granted at the request of the leaders of the armed forces to report on the situation and on actions taken based on their assessment of the situation. The purpose of the Royal Command appointing Leader of the Council for Democratic Reform was to endow the Council with a mandate and authority required to maintain peace and order and to provide the basis for the issuance of orders as necessary. It does not connote support.

Thailand upholds people’s rights to freedom of speech and expression; such rights are guaranteed by the Thai Constitution. The lèse-majesté law is aimed neither at curbing these rights nor the legitimate exercise of academic freedom including the debates about the monarchy as an institution. There is nonetheless a boundary between expressing one’s opinions and making accusations. The right to freedom of expression is not without its limits. As the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) recognised, the exercise of the rights to freedom of expression may “be subject to certain restrictions” as provided by law and necessary: 1) to uphold the rights or reputations of others; or 2) to protect national security or public order, or public health or morals. Moreover, the exercise of such right “carries with it special duties and responsibilities.” Those exercising it also have an obligation not to infringe upon the rights and unfairly tarnish the reputations of others. What the lèse-majesté law does is to give protection to the royal family – to the monarchy – in the same way that libel law protects ordinary people. The difference is that because the monarchy is a neutral institution which is above partisan politics and political conflict, and is revered by the Thai people, the law does not provide for the monarchy to take legal action against people or defend itself against allegations.

The Government recognised that in recent years, there have been cases where the law has been enforced in such a way that may not be in line with its purpose of protecting the dignity of the monarchy and in such a way that may inadvertently affect people’s freedom of expression. In this regard, the Prime Minister has established a special advisory panel, comprising ex officio senior officials from agencies concerned, to serve as a mechanism to advise the police and the public prosecutor on merits of cases related to lèse-majesté under their purview. The panel will take, among other things, the presence of intention to harm the institution of the monarchy and the importance of people’s constitutional right to freedom of expression as important considerations. Furthermore, the panel will study and consider how to make further improvements and promote public understanding about the law with a view to reducing instances leading to lèse-majesté complaints.

The issue of Royal succession is governed by both the Palace Law on Succession B.E. 2476 (1924) and the Constitution. As such, there are clearly stipulated rules and procedures as to what will happen should the need arise. Relevant provisions in the current Constitution also lay out the specific roles of the Privy Council, National Assembly and Cabinet. The sections on the monarchy in Thailand’s constitutions – be it the 1997 Constitution or the present 2007 Constitution – have remained substantively unchanged since 1991. Under these laws, it is His Majesty the King’s prerogative to appoint His Heir to the Throne. Once the King makes such a proclamation, the line of succession is clear. In this connection, His Royal Highness Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn was proclaimed Crown Prince, or in other words Heir to the Throne, in December 1972. There is thus no cause for uncertainty and no warranted basis for speculation otherwise.